✪✪✪ Essay on motherhood
Help cant do my essay civil order for sports organizations Wood pulp, paper and chemicals are the economic mainstays of Washington Parish Louisiana. Back in 1906, the Great Southern Lumber Abina and the important men essay bought 600,000 acres (937 square miles) of virgin pine forest, built the world's largest sawmill, and founded the town of Bogalusa to serve it. During those mill years, Bogalusa was a classic company-town, Great Southern owned everything — houses, stores, electric utility, schools, even the segregated parks. They also ran the government. The mill's general manager was the mayor and the police department took their orders from the company. In addition to the cops, Great Southern maintained a private armed security force to maintain "labor discipline." In 1919 after World War I, white and Black workers tried to form a biracial union (with segregated locals as required by Louisiana law). The company organized racist whites into the Self-Preservation and Loyalty League (SPLL). Company gunmen and the SPLL assaulted union members, evicted them from company housing, burned private homes, kidnapped, and tortured organizers. Finally, to suppress the union and end interracial cooperation, they formed an armed posse of more than 150 men, attacked the union hall, and shot to death four union leaders. In the late 1930s, the last stands of virgin timber fell to the saws and the huge university of maryland long sleeve shirt was torn down, it's scrap metal sold to Japan for use in their war of conquest against China. But Bogalusa survived because the logged-over acres had been replanted with fast-growing yellow pine which sustained paper-products and chemical plants built on the old mill site. In 1939, the new plants were unionized under the protection of the New Deal's Wagner Act (today, the National Labor Relations Act) into separate white and "Colored" locals, with whites holding the majority of the jobs — and all the better-paying positions. By the 1960s, Bogalusa has evolved into a new essay on motherhood of company town. Three big factories in the heart of town are owned by Crown-Zellerbach (CZ), one of the 100 largest corporations in the nation (today they are part of the Georgia-Pacific conglomerate). The company's $19,000,000 annual payroll dominates the economy, 40% of Bogalusa adults are employed by CZ, and the pervasive stench of its noxious fumes fouls the air. But unlike the old Great Southern days, the company no longer foots the bill for schools, hospitals, and other public services — taxpayers get to do that. While City Hall is nominally independent, politicians and public bureaucrats clearly understand that CZ still calls the tune — 70% of city taxes come from CZ, two of the City Council's five members work for CZ, and other CZ employees serve on the school board and other civic bodies. Economically and culturally, Washington Parish is similar to adjacent Pike County Mississippi (McComb), and the Pearl River region on both sides of the state border is often referred to as "Klan Nation." According to the 1960 Census, Blacks make up more than a third of the 44,000 people who live in Washington Parish and some 35-40% of Bogalusa's 23,000 inhabitants are Afro-American. The town is 2017 global university ranking segregated — neighborhoods, schools, parks, restrooms, lunch counters, and, of course, jobs. There are no Black cops, opinion essay 5th grade, or public officials. In pauls case essay CZ plants there are "white" jobs and "Colored" jobs. Blacks cannot be hired or promoted into "white" jobs, and whites will not demean themselves by doing "Colored" work. The facilities in CZ plants essay on motherhood segregated, toilets, time clocks, lockers, even the pay-windows. Afro-Americans are served food in the cafeteria, but only after whites, and then they have to eat the food in a separate wooden shack. While CZ will only contract with whites to cut the timber that forms the raw material for their plants, the actual cutting and hauling labor is done by Black subcontractors who pay a commission on each load to the white man who holds the prime contract with CZ. Back in the 1950s, the NAACP managed to register a number of Black voters essay cover sheet examples Washington Parish. When a state injunction drove the NAACP underground in 1956, activists formed the Bogalusa Voters & Civic League (BVCL). In 1959, the White Citizens Council orchestrated a purge that removed 85% of Afro-American voters from the Washington Parish rolls. A court ruled the purge unconstitutional in both purpose and effect, but that did not restore Black voting rights. By 1964, most parish whites are registered, as aqa a level biology essay titles roughly 20% of Afro-Americans. This means that Blacks comprise a bit under 10% of the total electorate — not enough to elect any Blacks to office, but enough to swing a tight election between two white candidates and give the BVCL at least a little negotiating power with the mayor como educar o meu filho city council. The rising tide of Freedom Movement activity in the early 1960s inspires Black workers to begin challenging job discrimination and segregation in the CZ plants. Reed Hunt, Chairman of Crown-Zellerbach, responds that the company has no inclination to " alter the accepted pattern of race relations in the community essay on motherhood But under pressure, particularly from CORE in San Francisco where CZ has its corporate headquarters, the company is forced to ontario ministry of education school year calendar a few cosmetic steps towards equality. In 1963 they end segregation in the company cafeteria, allowing Blacks to actually eat in the same room with whites. White workers are furious. They boycott the facility and force it to close. When the shower-room is integrated, whites refuse to take showers. During this period in the early '60s, CZ carries out a mechanization program in its Bogalusa plants. Hundreds of white and Black workers are laid off. A joint seven-month strike by both the white and Black union locals is unable to halt the lay-offs. By 1964, some 500 jobs have been eliminated and the workforce cut to 2900 (2500 white, 400 Afro-American). Membership in the White Knights of the Ku Klux Klan increases, as does their influence with the white population. When news reports announce that President Kennedy has been assassinated in Dallas, white essay on motherhood in the local bank burst into spontaneous applause. In January, 1964, the KKK stages multiple cross burnings around the parish. On May 30, some 800 Klansmen, half in white hoods and robes, stage a Klan rally in Bogalusa. The wearing of hoods to conceal identity violates both Bogalusa's anti-masking ordinance and Louisiana's anti-Klan laws, but city officials make no effort to enforce those laws or halt the "Klonklave." Uniformed police (some of whom are Klansmen themselves) work with the Klan marshals to facilitate the event. In an article for The Nation magazine, author Paul Good later refers to Bogalusa as "Klantown USA." Crown-Zellerbach and moderate civic leaders know they are sitting on a racial power-keg. In an attempt to head off a social explosion, Bogalusa mayor Jesse Cutrer forms a 21 member biracial committee that includes some of the old-guard Black leaders from the BVCL. The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) has been active in nearby East and West Feliciana parishes ma education in virtual university 1963. In the Spring of 1964 they send a small team of organizers to meet with Black leaders in Bogalusa about expanding CORE activities into Washington Parish. The BVCL leaders ask them to hold off and give the biracial committee a chance. They believe they can use the threat of CORE protests to extract concessions from the white power-structure. CORE organizer Mimi Feingold reports to CORE headquarters: " White people here are really afraid of CORE and demonstrations. They'll do almost anything to keep CORE out. "  CORE honors the local leaders' request. They agree to delay activity in Bogalusa until the end of 1964. The BVCL strategy fails. Moderate civic leaders and Crown-Zellerbach are more afraid of the Ku Klux Klan than they are of CORE. The Klan rally in May reveals a membership of at least 800. By some estimates more than 100 CZ employees are in the Klan, as are many business owners, police di foggo victoria university and firemen. Robert Rester, the City Attorney, is the Exalted Cyclops of the local Klavern which also includes a number of other city and parish officials. Klan harassment and threats drive a white family suspected of socializing with Blacks from town, a white Tulane student who participated in the New Orleans sit-ins is brutally assaulted, a white CZ worker is kidnapped and whipped with leather belts for the "crime" of playing folk music with Blacks in his private home. When the Bogalusa Daily News editorializes against the Klan, crosses are burned in front of the editor's home and office. The editor, Lou Major, begins carrying a pistol because of death threats. Terrified of KKK violence and economic boycotts, business owners are unwilling to end segregation as required by the Civil Rights Act of 1964. At the end of 1964, Bogalusa is still as segregated as it was in the 1950s. As year ends, a small committee of racial moderates seek assistance from the Federal Community Relations Service (CRS) which was established by the Civil Rights Act to help communities ease racial tensions. They invite former Arkansas Congressman Brooks Hays, now a CRS official, to address an quais as metas do pne para educação infantil, interracial dinner at a prominent white church. The Klan mobilizes to stop this "race-mixing." Racist hate leaflets threaten the handful of white moderates, who the Klan claims ". [want] your children to sit by filthy, runny-nosed, ragged, ugly little niggers in your public schools ." Crosses are burned in front of committee member's homes, their businesses are boycotted, and they are threatened with death. Warned it will be bombed, the church withdraws use of its facility. The meeting never occurs. CORE's moratorium on Bogalusa activity expires at the end 1964. In January of 1965, two experienced field-secretaries, Bill Yates and Steve Miller — both of whom are white — arrive and begin organizing Black youth to test compliance with the Civil Rights Act. Some businesses obey the law and serve them, but many others refuse. Frustrated at the lack of progress and the failure of the "threaten-them-with-CORE" strategy, BVCL members oust the old-guard leadership at a tumultuous meeting in the union hall of the Black local. A.Z. Young, union leader and WWII vet, is elected president. Crown-Zellerbach worker Robert Hicks is chosen how to tune in a universal tv remote and Gayle Jenkins, a hospital food-service worker, becomes Secretary. The Ku Klux Klan knows that Yates and Miller are staying at the home of Robert Hicks. On the night of February 1st, they form a lynch gang to get the two white activists. Police Chief Claxton Knight refuses to provide protection: "We have better things to do than protect people who aren't wanted here," he tells them. He warns the two CORE workers to get out of town for their own safety and offers an escort if they agree to permanently leave Bogalusa. Recalling the police role in the Lynching of Chaney, Schwerner, & Goodman they refuse. " We just knew that if Yates and Miller left our essay on motherhood at that moment, we would never see them alive again, " Robert Hicks later recalled. He summons help from neighbors, and fifteen armed men arrive to defend against the KKK. The CORE organizers work the phones, activating the national CORE network. Phone calls and telegrams pour in to news bureaus, FBI, Department of Justice, Governor McKeithen and Crown Zellerbach headquarters in San Francisco. The Klan raid is dept of education pei off. A day and a half later, on February 3rd, Klansmen in cars chase Yates and Miller as university of zululand courses pdf leave the union hall. Miller manages to reach Andrey's, a Black-owned cafe, but the gang surrounds Yates. They beat and kick him until a group of Black men force them back long enough for Yates to reach the cafe. More and more Klansmen gather outside the cafe, chatting amicably with the cops. When darkness falls, the police withdraw and all the phones in the neighborhood suddenly go dead. Armed Afro-Americans manage to move the two CORE workers to a home that can more easily be defended. Eventually, FBI agents and State Troopers break the siege. Meanwhile, CORE demonstrators — mostly teenagers — continue to test compliance with the Civil Rights Act and protest segregated facilities. They are heckled and abused by whites, and often physically assaulted by Klansmen who the cops treat as honored civic benefactors. To a degree, the presence of news media and Justice Department observers limits the intensity of the violence, but each protest and sit-in is an ordeal of raw courage for the young girls and boys who defy the Klan day after day in the downtown business district. Their bravery inspires the Black community. On February 15, the Ku Klux Klan renames itself the "Anti-Communist Christian Ryerson university ranking in canada and obtains a state charter as a nonprofit organization. Behind the protection of this patriotic cover, they sharply escalate their violence. Death threats and White Citizens Council economic warfare drive the few white moderates out of the county or into deep hiding. Club-carrying Klansmen force Blacks out of cafes. They hurl bricks and bottles from speeding cars at Black pedestrians regardless of whether or not they are active with the Movement. Cars driven by Afro-Americans are stopped on the street and the essay on motherhood beaten. Blacks are assaulted when they stop for gas or groceries. High-speed chases of CORE organizers in the rural areas of Washington Parish are frequent. The violence becomes so intense in "Klantown USA" that the desegregation testing and protests have to be temporarily halted. Neither the police nor the town's political leadership do anything to halt the escalating violence. CRS head Case study game theory Collins reports to Washington: " The Mayor and the police seem to feel that the way to avoid violence and maintain law and order is for the Negro citizens what community means to me essay to seek to exercise their constitutional rights. " CORE organizer Bill Yates asks the Jonesboro Deacons for Defense & Justice for assistance. On Essay on motherhood 21, Deacon leaders Ernest Thomas and F.D. Kirkpatrick along with CORE field-secretary Charles Fenton arrive in Bogalusa. They present a strategy of self-defense in cooperation with nonviolent direct action. " It takes violent Blacks to combat these violent whites, " Thomas tells them. " It takes nonviolent whites and nonviolent Negroes to sit down and bargain whenever the thing is over — and iron it out. " With the help of the experienced Jonesboro activists, a well-organized Deacons chapter comes together in Bogalusa. Led by Charles Sims, it provides armed guards for the mass meetings at the union hall, escorts for CORE cars on rural roads, riflemen to protect activists and the CORE office at night, and roving security patrols to protect the Black neighborhoods after dark. Though heavily outnumbered and outgunned by both Klan and cops, the Deacons are essay on motherhood that if blood flows in the street some of it will be the blood of white racists. For all their bravado, Klansmen show little enthusiasm for a stand-up fight with Alanis morissette these r the thoughts armed and ready to return fire. Governor McKeithan orders the State Troopers to disarm the Deacons — but not if it means putting their lives at risk. Which it will. In Bogalusa, the national mass media suddenly discover state bank institute of learning and development mysore Deacons as a BIG story. The Deacons become a Rorschach test upon whom the media project white fears and fantasies. Press and TV reports distort and sensationalize Deacon goals and activities, lumping them into "kill-whitey" scare-stories about the Nation of Islam and violent urban uprisings in the North such as the Harlem Rebellion and Watts uprising. They invent nonexistent controversies between the (bad) "violent tactics" of the Deacons and the (good) nonviolence of CORE, and they enormously mba leadership assignment sample disagreements between the Deacons and other Freedom Movement organizations and leaders. For security reasons, the Deacons sensibly keep their membership numbers and chapter organizations confidential. But that encourages the press to let their imaginations run wild. By June of 1965, the Los Angeles Times is claiming that there are 15,000 Deacons in 50 chapters across the South, other publications see in the Deacons ominous portents of Black terrorism and guerrilla armies. Completely ignoring the fact that the Deacons risk their lives to protect white activists with groups like CORE, MCHR, and ACLU, some reporters portray them as a "Black racists," or a "Black Ku Klux Klan." Local, state, and federal police agencies question and harass Deacon members. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover considers them a "national threat" and they are targeted for "intensified attention" along with CORE, SCLC, SNCC, and the Nation of Islam. FBI field reports on the Deacons total more than 1,500 pages. On February 21st, CORE resumes testing compliance with the Civil Rights Act. Not a single establishment is willing to serve Grade curricular unip educação fisica, not even those that had previously complied during the tests in January. They are terrified of the KKK. Any business that dares to essay on motherhood Blacks becomes a target of a Klan "wrecking crew." CORE staff report: " Each time a Negro enters an establishment, the manager says that he can neither serve nor protect them. Then he makes a phone call and within five minutes a mob comes in and forces them to leave. " Faced essay on motherhood this violence, the Thailand university ranking 2017 have to maintain a delicate strategic and tactical balance. To paraphrase Admiral Mahan, the " Deacons in being " deter the Klan from lethal violence. But for that deterrence to work, the Deacons have to continue to exist and operate as an organized force. The cops, of course, are eager to bust Deacons on the slightest excuse, and Deacons in jail or tied up in lengthy felony trials can't defend against Klan assassins or lynch mobs. If a Deacon responds with defensive-violence when Klansmen punch and kick a nonviolent protester, it is the Deacon who will be arrested, not the KKK. To remain ready to protect protesters against lethal attack with knives, ax-handles, firebombs, and guns, the Deacons have to hold themselves in check when demonstrators — mostly women and teenagers — are assaulted with less-than-deadly force. Day after day and minute by minute, the Deacons make constant tactical decisions over scholarship essay examples about goals, when, and how to intervene. With the possible exception of clueless reporters, everyone on the street — Deacons, demonstrators, cops, Klan — all understand this fluid, intricate social dance of violence and maneuver, provocation and reaction. During late February and early March, 1965, while most media attention is focused on the historic Selma Voting Rights Campaign & March to Montgomery, testing and protests continue day after day in Bogalusa. As do attacks by Klansmen. But CORE and the young activists are not cowed; they demand that Black salesclerks be hired in the downtown stores and they escalate the struggle by boycotting the white merchants and mounting picket lines on Columbia Street the main commerical artery. Led by Wilfred Ussery, San Francisco CORE steps up pressure on Crown-Zellerbach to intervene in Bogalusa where their economic and political clout could be decisive. CZ headquarters are picketed, letters, phone calls, and telegrams flood in demanding that CZ publicly oppose the Klan and support desegregation. But Chairman Reed Hunt refuses to "promote social reform." Nor will he remove active Klansmen employed by CZ on grounds that " An employee's private life is his own ." Even though CZ has dominated local politics best books to give college graduates decades, Hunt claims that the company has no responsibility or authority to be involved in "local affairs." CORE field-secretary Bill Yates counters that, result bsc part 1 punjab university The worst segregated conditions in Bogalusa are inside the plant, and here they have full and complete jurisdiction. " On April 4, student volunteers on spring break from Kansas State University (KSU) arrive in Bogalusa for a voter registration drive in Washington Parish. A couple of days later a gang of more than 50 Klansmen menace the union hall where a registration class is being held. They leave two coffins, one with CORE organizer Bill Yates' name on it. Later, Klan nightriders shoot into Robert Hicks' home. Movie pass reviews reddit and the Deacon guards return fire, driving them off. The next morning, KSU students canvassing for voters are chased by four carloads of KKK. In flagrant violation of the Constitution's First Amendment rights of free speech, the city passes an ordinance on April 7 that limits pickets to no more than two people at a time and defines almost every other Freedom Movement activity involving three or more people as "Disturbing the Peace." On April 8, national CORE leader James University of the third age glasgow arrives to lead a mass march to City Hall on the following day. Tension is high. The CZ plants close for the day (freeing up Klansmen who might otherwise be working). The downtown area is sealed off by police barricades. Fearing violence, most of the stores and cafes are closed. Some 400 Black high-school students try to stage an impromptu march, but they are forced back by the cops. Personally committed to Gandhian philosophical nonviolence, Farmer is uncomfortable with the armed guards provided by both the Louisiana State Troopers and the Bogalusa Deacons for Defense. But he accepts and respects the right of local Blacks to determine for themselves how they respond to Klan attack and fight for justice. " CORE is nonviolent, " he tells the press, " but we have no right to tell Negroes in Bogalusa or anywhere else that they do not have the right to defend their homes. It is a constitutional right. "  On April 9, Farmer leads cursos mec educação especial protesters, mostly Black, a few white, out of the union hall for the two-mile march. More than 100 police try to keep order, but they are unable (or unwilling) to prevent Klansmen from darting in to attack the marchers. Nor do they stop the Klan from assaulting reporters and university of oxford brookes world ranking their cameras. Under heavy attack, the march retreats back to the union hall. Six hours later, after more State Troopers are brought in, the protesters march again. This time they reach City Hall and are able to hold a rally. All of Bogalusa's doctors, nurses, and dentists are white. Some are willing to treat Blacks (after first treating whites, of course). Others won't treat Afro-Americans at all. None are willing to treat civil rights activists or anyone injured on a protest. The federally financed Community Medical Center will only see Blacks on Thursdays except in serious emergencies. The Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR), which supplied emergency-medics for Selma and the March to Montgomery, sends health workers to Bogalusa. They accompany protesters under Klan attack and set up a medical aid station in the Black community. Led by Berkeley CORE, a group of University of California students arrives in Bogalusa over their spring break. When they return to the Bay Area, they are interviewed by radio host Ira Blue who asks them if the police provided protection: " Protected us? They terrorize us! " They explain to him that the police yell insults and hurl as much obscene language at picketers as the hecklers; they feel free to swing their billy clubs at youthful picketers; and it pleases them to stand by and laugh while rocks, lighted cigarettes, insecticide, and snakes are thrown into the picket lines and essay on motherhood. An effort was middlesex university summer accommodation to get badge numbers of these police officers; however, the effort was frustrated when both Essay on motherhood Troopers and City Police began covering their badges with metallic tape to hide the numbers.  With Selma now out of the headlines, the march led by Farmer and the ongoing Klan violence receive renewed attention from the national media and the federal government bestirs itself sample expository essay 7th grade modest action. Vice President Humphrey meets with Governor McKeithan in Baton Rouge, Community Relations Service officials urge negotiations, and the Justice Department threatens to prosecute the owners of segregated establishments under the Civil Rights Act (which they have been violating for the past nine months). Mayor Cutrer refuses to negotiate with Young, Hicks, and Jenkins of the BVCL. Both the Governor and Crown-Zellerbach support his intransigence. Instead, Cutrer maneuvers to satisfy the feds by negotiating with a hand-picked group of "Black leaders" chosen by the white power-structure. The university of birmingham acceptance rate and Klan violence continue during logitech harmony one advanced universal fernbedienung of maneuvers over who the city will negotiate with — the BVCL or "responsible Negro leaders" chosen by whites. In one of many attempts to avoid sitting down with the BVCL, Mayor Cutrer claims that " CORE and the voters league are a small group of self-styled leaders who do not represent the Negro community. " He devises a survey to determine the "real leaders" of the Black community. In a single day the BVCL collects essay on motherhood 2,000 signatures of Black supporters to decisively block that ploy. To keep the pressure on, James Farmer leads another mass march to City Hall. Eventually, the Department of Justice (DOJ) gets around school education karnataka nic in finally filing essay on motherhood against half a dozen segregated establishments for violation of the Civil Rights Act how to ask the universe for financial help first such enforcement lawsuit in Louisiana). Adobe acrobat educational version McKeithen appoints a three-member committee of "racial moderates" to help mediate. Anticipating a violent Klan reaction, he dispatches an additional 300 State Troopers to Bogalusa. More than 3,000 whites essay on motherhood a fiery Klan rally that denounces all attempts to end segregation or negotiate with the BVCL. In mid-May, after weeks of stalling, Cutrer and the city council finally agree to meet the BVCL in face-to-face negotiations. CORE suspends protests pending the outcome. As the talks get underway, trucks loaded with furious Klansmen slowly circle City Hall. The city agrees to repeal its municiple segregation ordinances (which are illegal and unenforceable under the Civil Rights Act) and desegregate government buildings and facilities such as parks (which is also required by the Act). They promise to improve city services such as lighting, sewage, and paving in Black neighborhoods and enforce housing health and safety codes. They also promise to hire some Afro-American police officers and universidades federais com vestibular tradicional employing Blacks in other city jobs. They refuse to repeal the emergency ordinance that limits the right to picket, but they do say they'll "consider" modifying some other portions of the unconstitutional law. Maybe. Someday. Mayor Cutrer announces the agreement on May 18. The Klan is outraged. They distribute " Who Bought Jess Cutrer " flyers calling for him and other city officials to be tarred and feathered. Not included in the Klan's list of "race-traitors" are Claxton Knight, the Klan-friendly Chief of Police and Arnold Spiers the Commissioner of Public Safety. The www federal university lafia day, BVCL leaders Robert Hicks and Sam Barnes notify the FBI and police that they plan to lead a group of Afro-Americans to Cassidy Park, previously "white- only," but now supposedly desegregated under the agreement. When they arrive at the park, a gang of whites are loitering nearby, hanging out with a group of cops. As the Afro-American children approach the playground the white men attack with clubs and leather belts. Police, deputies, and troopers order the Blacks to leave the park. A police dog is set on 15-year old Gregory Hicks, son of BVCL leader Robert Hicks, biting him why is government necessary essay the leg. Sam Barnes is arrested for carrying a pistol. When he is taken to the parish jail, three Black convicts are forced to beat him. The following day, May 20, a mob of 500 whites wait for Blacks at Cassidy Park. When none appear, they attack reporters. The police do essay on motherhood. The city then closes all parks, rendering the agreement to integrate them meaningless. CORE resumes direct action protests and the Klan continues to attack them. On Saturday, May 29, Essay on motherhood sends out waves of pickets to enforce the merchant boycott. They are opposed and attacked by hundreds of whites who rove the downtown area assaulting Blacks. On Sunday, the stores are closed for the sabbath so all is quiet. On Monday the confrontation between CORE demonstrators and the Klan mob is renewed. 125 State Troopers and more than 30 police are unable (or unwilling) to maintain order. A reporter notes: " Crowds of whites remained on the streets. until the stores closed. " On June 1, Mayor Cutrer bans all marches. As described by author Adam Fairclough in Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972 : Klansmen had a remarkable facility for blending in the with the milling white onlookers, darting out to strike demonstrators and then darting back to the crowded sidewalks. On July 11, for example, an FBI agent saw forty to fifty young white men moving towards a BVCL march; when a contingent of state troopers approached they "seemed to melt into the crowd and the clubs, sticks, and ballbats. seemed to disappear." On occasions, troopers were lured away from the marches by false reports of nearby altercations; "when they ran cancer research uk manchester institute alderley park to investigate, members of the Klan. coming from the opposite direction would throw punches or flail away with clubs at the unprotected marchers." — Adam Fairclugh.  On June 2nd, Sheriffs deputies O'Neal Moore and David "Creed" Rogers, the first two Black deputies ever hired in Washington Parish, are patrolling a rural area a few miles north of Bogalusa. A pickup truck speeds by them. Two white gunmen in the back open fire. Moore is killed instantly. Rogers, on the passenger side, is wounded and permanently injured when the patrol car veers off the road and smashes into a tree. An hour later a police roadblock in Mississippi stops a truck that matches the description given by Rogers. Ray McElveen, a CZ employee, is arrested. He has membership cards what is an essay cover page the rabidly-racist National States Rights Party and the White Citizens Council. He is also assumed to be essay on motherhood member of the KKK. He is charged with Moore's murder, but never brought to trial. The murder remains "unsolved" to this day. FBI agents later tell reporters that they believe it was a Klan operation. Louisiana University of the third age glasgow Jack Gremillion rules that O'Neal's widow is not eligible for state employee survivor benefits because he had not been killed "while engaged in the direct apprehension of a person." Through June and July the struggle continues in the sweltering streets of Bogalusa. The Klansmen are confident that Bogalusa cops and Washington Parish sheriffs will not arrest them for assaulting CORE protesters. The demonstrators, however, are busted on the slightest excuse. Reports one: They handcuffed me with my hands behind my back and took me to the city jail in a city police car, with the Sheriff's car following. When they took me from the car at the jail they started shoving and kicking me. This continued as they brought me into the jail. While I was being booked, in front of the Desk Sargent, I was kicked and knocked down on the floor. The only time they said anything to me was when I had been knocked down. One officer said: "Boy, what you doin' down on the floor. Get up from there!"  On June 25, the Solar system essay for kids Constitutional Defense Committee (ACLU) files a lawsuit against Police Chief Knight in federal court on behalf of BVCL leader Robert Hicks. The suit demands that the Bogalusa cops protect Afro-American protesters from the Klan and white mobs, and stop harassing, beating, and arresting demonstrators exercising their Constitutional right of free speech. Police complicity in the brutal attack at Cassidy Park on May 19 is presented as a case in point. On July 8, there is another CORE march. Hattie Mae Hill (17) is wounded by a rock that strikes her in the head. Leneva Tiedman, a white nurse working with the Medical Committee for Human Rights (MCHR) rushes the bleeding girl to a car driven by two Deacons, Henry Austin and Milton Johnson. Since the public bullying prevention strategies in early childhood education won't treat film production university ranking, they try to get her to the MCHR aid station in the Black community but they are attacked by angry whites. Klansman myscc sandhills community college to grab the two women in the back seat, they pull Johnson from the car, beating and kicking him. Austin tries to push them back and rescue Johnson. When that fails he fires his pistol in the air. To save Johnson he then shoots one of the white attackers, injuring but not killing him. The police then arrest both Johnson and Austin. The Klansmen, of course, are left free to continue attacking other protesters. On July 10, federal Judge Herbert Christenberry rules in Hicks case study vs single subject design Knight. He issues an injunction ordering Bogalusa police and Washington Parish sheriffs to protect Black protesters from mob attack and to halt their own essay on motherhood. violence, harassment, intimidation, verbal abuse, unnecessary force, and unlawful arrest. " Furious at the essay on motherhood and the shooting of the Klansman, thousands of whites rally to hear J.B. Stoner — Imperial Wizard of the Christian Knights of the Ku Klux Klan and Chairman of the National States Rights Party — tell them " The nigger is not a human being. He is somewhere between the white man and the ape. What the nigger really wants is our white women. " The Klan circulates a petition to recall Mayor Cutrer and 3,000 whites sign it, but a legal technicality prevents the recall election from going forward. Cutrer and other city officials know their support among white wagner free institute science philadelphia has dropped to almost nothing and with it their ability to control events. They ask Governor McKeithen to send in the National Guard to maintain order. McKeithen refuses, but offers to help broker a deal. He meets twice with Young and Hicks, offering to set up more negotiations with city officials if they agree to suspend protests for a 30-day "cooling off" period. The BVCL refuses to halt direct action in return for vague promises of more talk. The BVCL and Mayor Cutrer jointly appeal to Washington for federal help. In mid-July, DOJ official John Doar is sent to investigate. Appalled at the ease with which the Short essay on a day i will always remember roams the streets and assaults CORE demonstrators, he reports that the State Troopers are trying to enforce Judge Christenberry's injunction, but the city police and parish deputies are ignoring it. As described by Fairclough: On July 16, for example, Doar saw whites attack pickets at the Pine Tree Plaza shopping center; the next day a barber drenched two white pickets with a hose and smeared soap on their arms and shoulders, commenting, " You pickets smell like niggers and need a bath. " During the first incident, the police were conspicuously absent when the attacks took place; how to write an introduction for a lab report they finally arrived on the scene they arrested two of the beaten pickets. During the second incident, policemen stood by laughing. — Adam Fairclough.  Doar convinces the Justice Department to make Bogalusa a test case for enforcing the Civil Rights Université lyon 2 psychologie. The DOJ intervenes in the Hicks case seeking criminal and civil contempt against Police Chief Knight and Commissioner of Public Safety Arnold Spiers. They file a lawsuit to enjoin the KKK and 35 named Klansmen from violence. Another federal lawsuit seeks to desegregate several restaurants, and brutality charges are brought against the parish K9 squad for the beating of Sam Barnes in the parish jail. Pressured by Attorney General Katzenbach and President Johnson, Hoover sends in a swarm of over 100 FBI agents to monitor compliance with court rulings and target the Klan. On July 30, Judge Christenberry finds Knight and Spiers guilty of civil contempt. He orders them to comply with his previous order and cooperate with the DOJ or face jail and daily fines of $100. With the cops enjoined from aiding and abetting them, and now facing some actual risk of fines — or maybe even jail — the white mobs abrubtly evaporate from the streets of Bogalusa. Overnight, Washington crushed the white supremacist coup in Bogalusa and forced local authorities to uphold the law. In retrospect, what is remarkable was how little was required to destroy the Klan and force local authorities to protect citizens' rights and liberties. The federal government did nothing more than threaten city officials with modest fines and light jail sentences. — Robert Hicks.  But though the white mobs and overt, public, Klan violence is largely (though not entirely) suppressed, the struggle for justice and equality in Bogalusa Louisiana is just beginning. See Bogalusa to Baton Rouge march for continuation of the Bogalusa movement. The steadfast determination of an organized community. In defiance of pervasive Klan violence and police repression, it is the courage and committment of Bogalusa's Black community that sustains the struggle month after essay on motherhood. Day after day, young people nonviolently endure KKK attacks on downtown streets. Week after week the adults of BVCL keep up the pressure and refuse to give in or settle for token promises. And throughout, it is the armed protection of the Deacons that common knowledge scholarship legit the Movement alive by shielding the community, its leaders, and stephen curry essay from assasinations, bombings, and other forms of lethal terrorism. Labor-led rather than church-based. Louisiana has more industry than the other Deep South states and because of its unique history unions are more common than in states like Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina (though, of course, no one would ever equate Louisiana with labor strongholds like Michigan, Massachusetts, or New York). And because Louisiana segregation laws require separate "white" and "Colored" locals, there is a cadre of experienced Afro-American labor activists in places like Bogalusa even though Black workers in the Crown-Zellerbach plants are heavily outnumbered by whites. Through the union, these Afro-American labor leaders have an organizational base and constituency. They are respected in their essay on motherhood, and the political skills needed to win election to union office can be applied to building and leading a community-based political organization. In other areas of the South, where Black unions don't exist, local freedom movements are usually based in the churches essay on motherhood most often led by ministers or other members of the middle-class. But in Bogalusa the movement is anchored in the union and led by working-class activists like A.Z. Young, Robert Hicks, and Gayle Jenkins. While some mass meetings and other Movement activities are held in Bogalusa churches, the union hall is the center of the struggle, it is the main venue for mass meetings and voter registration classes, the assembly site for mass marches, and the rally point protesters retreat to when under Klan attack. The power-structure and the Ku Klux Klan. The KKK is a terrorist organization dedicated to maintaining white-supremacy through violence, essay on motherhood the threat of violence. Some state and local politicians share the Klan's racist views and are either actually, or in effect, members themselves. Others adopt the Essay on motherhood rhetoric out of political expediency or from threat essay on motherhood economic or violent retaliation. Large employers like Crown-Zellerbach fear destructive sabotage of their mla international bibliography search manufacturing equipment if they themselves become a target of the Klan's wrath, and at times they find the KKK useful in keeping the labor force divided against itself, white versus Black. While the federal government has little reason to fear KKK violence indiana university medical school ranking at themselves, politicians and bureaucrats in Washington do carefully count the cost to their careers and agendas if they cross powerful southern Senators or alienate white voters. Klan terror is based on ambush, mob violence, and attacks on those who cannot fight back. But despite their posturing and fiery rhetoric, few Klansmen are willing uts assignment cover sheet risk their own skins when their victims are armed, organized, and willing to return fire. Once the Deacons establish themselves, Klan caravans and hackensack university medical center program no longer raid the Afro-American community and cross-burnings in Black neighborhoods dwindle away. Nor are Klansmen willing to face serious jail time. So long as local law enforcement gives them effective immunity from arrest and prosecution they are eager to brutalize nonviolent protesters. So long as they are confident that local white juries won't convict them if they're caught, they feel free to bushwhack Blacks. But when the federal government finally musters the political courage to risk electoral fallout and confront both the Klan and local cops, overt Klan violence is driven underground and largely suppressed. Washington politicians and media pundits proclaim this as a great moral victory, but looking back over bloody years — generations, in fact — Freedom Movement activists bitterly count the cost and know that the Feds could have stopped Klan violence and lynch-law any time they wanted to had they valued Black lives as highly as white votes. See Clarence Triggs Murdered for continuation. It is the nature of social movements that they move — they change and evolve. Passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 lays the legal foundation for finally dismantling the overt, state-enforced system of Jim Crow social segregation. And in 1965, the struggle for the ballot reaches its climax with the Selma Voting Rights Campaign, the March to Montgomery, and passage of the The Voting Rights Act. But laws passed in Washington mean little until they are implemented on the ground by courageous social pioneers. In essay on motherhood places change comes peacefully, in others such as Bogalusa Louisiana and Essay on motherhood Mississippi white resistance is fierce and the struggle is brutal. So despite passage of these landmark laws, campaigns to end segregation, register voters, elect Blacks to office, and achieve a share of political power continue for years. Voting rights, and the slow but steady dismantling of segregation, begin to bring some profound changes to social and legal aspects of the "southern way of life," but by 1965 it is clear that those landmark victories are having little effect on the grinding poverty and ruthless exploitation endured by nonwhites (and poor whites) in both the South and North. Nationwide, Freedom Movement activists begin to seek ways of addressing systems of economic injustice that are ultimately rooted in the enormous inequalities of political and economic power between rich and poor, and white and Black. In the South, efforts to create new kinds of labor unions, welfare and food rights groups, poor peoples' organizations, effective War on Poverty programs, american public university graduate programs a variety of farm, commercial, employment, housing, and purchasing cooperatives are all undertaken, as are SNCC and SCEF-supported efforts to organize poor southern whites. But successes are few. This shift towards economic issues begins to take hold in the Fall of 1964 when SNCC/COFO launches an organizing campaign aimed at electing Afro-American to the economically crucial ASCS county committees, and Dr. King & SCLC come to the aide of the Scripto strikers in Atlanta. 1965 marks the beginning of political struggles within and without papel de parede universo android War on Poverty and in early 1966 the Greenville Air Force Base Occupation raises fundamental questions about Washington's political will to actually assist poor people rise up out of poverty. Simultaneous with the voting rights battles of that year are efforts to obtain adequate food for the rural poor, organize the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union, form the Poor Peoples Corporation in Mississippi, and unionize a brick factory in Marshall County. From 1965 onwards, coperatives of many kinds are proposed and some are successfully organized. Starting in 1967, SCLC's Poor People's Campaign and Dr. Bilal islamic university lahore support of the Memphis Garbage Workers Strike in 1968 continue the effort to find some effective way of winning justice and addressing the political roots of poverty in the South. But the deck is stacked against achieving significant economic reform. Nonviolent protest tactics such as sit-ins, freedom rides, mass marches and merchant boycotts proved effective against segregation and denial of voting rights, but they are harder to apply and less successful against economic injustice. Strikes require a strong union supported by the majority of employees, but state anti-union "right to work" laws, biased anti-union courts, pro-business NLRB procedures and rulings, and internal union weaknesses all cripple labor organizing. University of miami vs notre dame 2016 pits white and Black workers against fake christmas present boxes other and the Jim Crow history of many unions makes bridging racial divides difficult. Despite its stirring "War on Poverty" rhetoric, the federal government is unwilling to encourage (or even allow) reforms that significantly alter the existing relations of economic power between white and Black, rich and poor. Department of Agriculture collusion in excluding Afro-American from farm programs and maintaining the ASCS county committees as all-white bastions of economic power are clear examples of Washington's political commitment to established power-structures. And War on Poverty programs themselves often prove divisive as people, many of whom were former allies, scramble and compete for grants and positions. From state to county to town, the white power-structure views any effort to alter the economic status-quo as "Communist subversion" which they ferociously suppress. In this they are abetted by local media, civic organizations, and many religious leaders who spread and promote a culture of anti-Communist fear and hysteria. The White Citizens Council is well organized and ever vigilant, ruthlessly wielding economic power to counter and cyber insurance case study any attempt to organize unions, form cooperatives, enact reform legislation, or elect Blacks to office. And hanging over everyone is the pervasive threat of socially-sanctioned, police-enabled violence against anyone who steps out of line — Black or white. Moreover, addressing economic issues requires enormous long-term patience, steadfast energy, and new tactics, techniques, and organizing concepts; but by 1965, burn-out and exhaustion have become significant problems among local community leaders and Movement activists who have been enduring deadly danger, jail, beatings, economic hardship, and intense concept of caring essay for years. Many of the young organizers who dropped out of college in the early '60s engineering university of tokyo now returning to school, and while their replacements are equally committed to the near east university ranking in turkey, they are far less experienced. At the same time, divisive and debilitating internal disputes over issues of race, class, nonviolence, and ultimate strategic goals are weakening the cohesive bonds of unity and solidarity that hold the Movement together. In the rural South, the situation is grim for those at the bottom of the economic pyramid. Mechanization and technology are swiftly reducing the need for unskilled, ill-educated, hand-labor — the sharecroppers, tenant farmers, and day-laborers who have been a main focus of SNCC organizing. Herbicides are eliminating the need for hand "chopping" of weeds, and machines can now pick cotton cheaper and quicker. And cotton itself is being replaced by less labor-intensive alternatives such as livestock (chickens, cattle, catfish), row-crops like corn and soy, and timber for pulp mills. In the urban centers of the Deep South — Atlanta, New Orleans, Memphis, Mobile, Birmingham, and so on, — the situation is only marginally better. Local power-structures are eagerly seeking northern investment, and their chief selling point is a low-wage, non-union business environment. They are determined kwazulu natal department of education past papers grade 11 prevent any form of union organizing or campaigns for economic reform. And when economic issues are on the table, some members of the Black elite who supported struggles against Jim Crow and for voting rights find themselves torn between community solidarity and their personal financial interests. Nationally, some leaders of the Democratic Party who supported the struggle for Black civil rights in the South are unsympathetic, or actively opposed, to campaigns essay on motherhood issues of economic justice and efforts to empower the "have-nots" of American society. They favor a "War on Poverty" that grants financial incentives and tax-breaks to businesses and employs middle-class professionals to provide services to the poor — not efforts to organize those at the bottom of the heap to oppose exploitation and win some share of political power for themselves. Durham university collingwood accommodation continuation see Mississippi Freedom Labor Vertigo film analysis essay ASCS Election Campaigns (1965) Poor Peoples Corporations, Cooperatives, & Quilting Bees War on Poverty Greenville Air Force Base Occupation Ghettos and the Persistance of Poverty Chicago Freedom Movement Civil Rights Act of 1966 Killed by Senate Fillibuster Alabama ASCS Elections, 1966 — The Struggle Continues From Co-Ops to Pigford Poor People's Campaign Launched Memphis Garbage Workers Strike Resurrection City. In the Mississippi Delta, Black agriculture workers are paid starvation wages. Cotton "choppers" — many of them women and children grade curricular unip educação fisica manually hoe weeds under the blazing summer sun for $3 per 10-hour day (equivalent to $2.19/hour in 2012). The men who drive the tractors and other farm machinery earn only $6 per day. Pickers are usually paid by the pound, the scales are often crooked, and in many cases earnings are not paid in zamfara state university recruitment 2018 but rather as deductions from debt owed to a plantation store where the books are secret and the amount owed is whatever the overseer says it is. In January of 1965, adult cotton workers attending a COFO Freedom School testify to their desperate economic straits. Many are dispossessed sharecroppers now forced to eke out what little they can as day laborers. The idea of a union is discussed, if they cannot improve their lives individually, perhaps working together they can survive. But no formal action is taken. In April, a small number of Black agriculture workers meet in the tiny Shaw Freedom Center in Bolivar County. They decide they need a union and bring the idea to the education web page templates mass meeting where it is enthusiastically accepted by all. The first 50 members sign up, union officers are elected, and they begin planning a strike. Though COFO/SNCC and later Delta Ministry civil rights workers — white and Black — provide assistance, the union is led and run by its members and elected leadership. They make the decisions, write the materials, organize new members, run the meetings, and keep the books. Why make your essay on motherhood work for low wages when you all of your life have been working for nothing? Why buy the white man steak when you can't hardly eat neckbones? As cheap as chicken is you can't eat it but once a week on Sunday. Wake up and think. We as Negroes should want to be equal and get high wages. For over two hundred years we have been working for nothing. Please join the union because if you are not in a union you just aren't anywhere. — MFLU Organizing Flyer, 1965 [PDF] More strikes erupt in the Bolivar County communities of Shaw and Rosedale, and ten women working as maids in Fake christmas present boxes also strike for $1.25/hour. In Sunflower County, cotton workers in Indianola strike. Union secretary is Mrs. Edna Mae Garner. She and her seven columbia university washington heights live in a three-room, company-owned shack — no electricity, no indoor plumbing, holes in the floor and walls. The lady I used to work for would give me dinner and no free papers sign me off early. I used to do chopping later in the day and I would make three dollars a day. Universal time zone map after James Meredith at 'Ole Miss in l962, she let me off. The last times I worked for her she wouldn't even give me dinner. I expect the boss man's going to come 'round here to ask me to leave any time now. When he asks me "will I do some chopping" and I tell him, "No, I'm on strike 'till I get $1.25 an hour," I expect he's going to ask me to move on. — Mrs. Edna Mae Garner.  News spreads quickly, and by the end of May the new union has almost a thousand members in six Delta counties. Laborers on the A.L. Andrews plantation in Tribbett (Washington County) ask for $1.25 an hour (equal to $9.11 in 2012). When the owner refuses, they go on strike. The Sheriff sends a prison work-gang to evict them from their rundown homes which are owned by the plantation, dumping all of their belongings out on the highway. Other white plantation owners try to force their Black tenants to scab for Andrews. When that fails, he imports poor whites from Arkansas to maintain and harvest his cotton. By June, 600 are on strike in the Delta. County welfare authorities essay on motherhood off the free federal commodity food that people rely on to feed their children. A local court issues an injunction limiting pickets to no more than four. The isolated strikers are shot at, sprayed with ammonia, and have to dodge cars that try to run them down. Local law enforcement ignores their complaints. Strike supporters are arrested on trumped up charges. The federal government proves at best indifferent, and in the case of the Department of Agriculture actively hostile, to the strikers and the plight of Blacks in general. Evictions mount. Friends of SNCC chapters in the north send food, clothing, and small amounts of money. The AFL-CIO and United Auto Workers (UAW) contribute funds. The Delta Ministry provides tents and food to house evicted families on a Black-owned farm in Tribbet not far from Greenville. They call it "Strike City" and it is sustained with the aid of Delta Ministry activists. By cotton-picking time, close to a thousand workers are on strike in six Delta counties. But that is only a fraction of the total number of Black agriculture workers in the area. Despite their courage and determination, the strikers are unable to affect the owners' ability to tend and harvest their crop. Some planters increase wages for their nonstriking tractor drivers by a dollar or so a day, but the strikers fail to win any concessions and they are blacklisted from future child education magazine uk for white employers. As the hard times of Fall and Winter close in, some strikers join the mass migration of dispossessed Blacks from rural to urban areas, while others hold out as best they can in Strike City and other Delta communities. See Greenville Air Force Base Occupation for continuation. Bordering on the Mississippi River just north of Vicksburg, Issaquena County lies at the southern end of the state's rich Delta region. It's a small county, much of it bog and alligator-infested swampland. In 1960, the total population is just 3,500 (down from 5,000 in 1950). Two-thirds of them are Black, but as of October 1964, despite attendance university of sindh by Freedom Summer voter registration workers, not a single Black citizen has been registered (white registration, however, is 100%). Eleven years after Brown v Board of Educationthe small Issaquena school system is still totally segregated into separate and unequal white and Colored schools. O.E. Jordan, the Black principle of the all-Black Henry Weathers High School is appointed by the all-white county school board. He has chitkara university online fee payment job tenure, there is no teachers union, and he can be fired at will. He orders the students to stop wearing the SNCC pins. Over the weekend, the students talk among themselves, " We got together with a lot of other kids and we all decided to wear the SNCC pins on the next school day. " They obtain more buttons, and 150 students wear their pins to class on Monday, February 1st. They pass out additional pins to others in the hallway. School administrators later allege that some of them, "Accosted other students by pinning the buttons on them even youth center architecture thesis pdf they did not ask for one." They also claim that unwanted button-pinning caused a younger child to cry. Principal Jordan again orders the students to remove their SNCC buttons. At least 179 refuse. They are summoned to the principal's office, their names are noted down, and they are required to wait in the hall while Jordan calls rn to bsn western carolina university white Superintendent. After more than an hour, the students are again told to remove the pins and return to class. Most وزارة التعليم higher education fund them continue to essay on motherhood their buttons. Under orders from Jordan, teachers refuse to let them into the classrooms. The entire student body is called to assembly. While Jordan confers with the teachers and white authorities, the students waiting in the gym talk among themselves. We decided that we wanted to ask him some questions. We asked him, how would he feel if his own daughter was forced to bend over, touch her toes, and get whipped on the backside like we do. And we asked him, how come there was no Colored people on the school board even though 70 per cent of the county is Colored people? And we asked him, was he registered what is monash university known for vote? — Unidentified student.  Principal Jordan has no answer. He orders them to stop asking questions and return to class. But by now the school day is almost over and everyone goes home. The next day, Tuesday, February 2nd: So many kids came to essay on motherhood wearing SNCC pins that we couldn't count them all. The principal began the day by calling a general assembly. He said that he would listen to no more questions. Then he read from a book a rule saying that, "Any student who disrupts school can be suspended or expelled by the principal." He told the students that the SNCC pins were disrupting school. Any student who wore a pin the next day would be suspended, and any student who wore a SNCC pin on Thursday, said the principal, would be expelled and not allowed to go to school anywhere in Mississippi. — Unidentified student.  As the university of benin postgraduate admission see it, the only people being disrupted by the SNCC buttons are the school authorities and it's not the pins causing disruption, it's the effort to deny them their freedom. Few of those wearing freedom buttons take them off. On Wednesday, more than 300 of the 1,100 students wear pins, as do some of the children in the elementary school. And over in adjacent Sharkey County, some high school students do the same. Again Principal Jordan calls an assembly. To quell this spontaneous defiance a importância da educação financeira na vida do cidadão redação the "southern way of life" where "Colored folk" are submissive, docile and contented with their lot, he suspends the 179 students whose names were taken down on Monday and threatens the same for anyone else who continues to defy the edict against freedom buttons. He tells them they can only return to school if they sign a written promise not to participate in any kind of civil rights activity including wearing SNCC pins. Close to 150 pin-wearing students who have not (yet) been suspended walk out of school in solidarity with those who have been expelled. Parents and others from the community, many of them MFDP members, meet in the evening. Led by MFDP Delegate Unita Blackwell, they agree that the issue is more fundamental than the right of their children to freely wear whatever pins they want. The white power-structure is using Principal Jordan to suppress the Freedom Movement in Issaquena County. Students who sign streaming serie sex education "no movement activities" promise won't be able to work with COFO on voter registration, join the MFDP or the MSU, or even attend community meetings. They call for a school boycott to support the students. On Thursday, close to 700 elementary school children are kept home by parents supporting the boycott. The majority of the 1,100 students at Weathers High School refuse to attend class. A parents committee tries to meet with the all-white school board to discuss the situation. The school board refuses to how to write a thematic essay in the same room with them. The boycott spreads into Sharkey County. By the next week, more than 1,000 students in the two counties are on strike. (With national media attention focused on Selma and Bogalusa the boycott is ignored by the press.) Parents and students begin organizing Freedom Schools in local churches and homes. Older students teach the younger ones. A few SNCC & COFO organizers, and northern white volunteers provide assistance, but the effort is predominantly dc universe online kratos by local activists. Freedom Schools elsewhere in the state send books, materials, and expressions of support. " We are ready to stay in Freedom Schools for the rest of the year. The teachers in high school never did try to teach us anything. They don't care about us or about Freedom. " " So what if we don't get our diplomas. All we can do in this county is chop cotton anyhow. We don't need a diploma to chop essay on motherhood. We want our Freedom! " — Unidentified students.  The Issaquena-Sharkey Freedom Schools are different from Freedom Schools that university park nottingham postcode in Mississippi last summer because students 2019 trends in higher education teaching themselves. What is happening in these Freedom Schools is that students are beginning to discover that they know a great deal about what they need to know — bacon essay of truth in urdu pdf is about the things that matter in their lives. This is a revolutionary concept in education. Students can give themselves a whats the best college football team education than the local schools can about what democracy is, what freedom means and how people work together to bring about changes in the society. These are the most relevant things to their essay on motherhood — Judy Walborn, SNCC Staff Education Coordinator.  Many of the Black teachers support the students — most clandestinely, a few more openly. They understand, and share, the students' frustration with the strictly limited, racially-biased curriculum they are forced to teach. But the white school board can fire them at will, and they have to toe the line or lose their jobs. As the boycott continues, a total of 300 high school students are suspended for the remainder run student portal login the year. Teachers suspected of supporting the students are informed that their work contracts law of life essay example be renewed in the Fall. Community leaders Unita Blackwell and Clarence Hall contact West virginia university graduate application deadline Wright of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund weu world education university Jackson for legal assistance. In early March the NAACP petitions the school board to re-admit the suspended students and allow them to wear civil rights pins. There is no response. On April 1st, 1965, Blackwell v Issaquena County Board of Education is filed in federal district court demanding re-admission of the suspended students, free speech rights, and the desegregation of the Issaquena County school system. The lead plaintiffs are Jerry and Jeremiah Blackwell, Unita Blackwell's son and husband. The case is heard by Judge William Harold Cox, a white native of Mississippi and an outspoken segregationist. A former 'Ole Miss college roommate of the racist Senator James Eastland who chairs the powerful Senate Judiciary Committee, he had been appointed to the federal bench in 1961 by President Kennedy as part of a concept of caring essay room deal. In a 1964 voter registration case, Cox referred to Blacks as " a bunch of chimpanzees, " and he told Justice Department attorney John Doar that he was, " not interested in whether the registrar is going to give a registration test to a bunch of niggers on a voter drive. " At the same time as the school boycott in February of 1965, Cox was dismissing the federal indictments against all but two of the Neshoba County conspirators (a ruling later overturned by the Supreme Court). Cox hears the case in May. He rules that denying the students their free speech right to wear political pins was justified because of their "disruption" and "discourteous" behavior" — ignoring the fact that there was no disruption until the principal denied them their rights. Under this kind of "Catch-22" rationale, protesting a denial of freedom then becomes legal justification for denying that freedom. On appeal, Cox's ruling is upheld by the federal 5th Circuit Court the following year. However, eleven years after Brown v How to format an essay of Education and one year after passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Cox has no legal choice but to order Issaquena County to begin (slowly) desegregating their school system. But under Cox's supervision, the school board is permitted to drag out the process for another five years until 1970. In the Fall of 1965, the "no movement activity" promise is not enforced and most students return to class. The popular Freedom Schools are continued every summer until the schools are finally desegregated. After accepting the Nobel Prize primary education in hong kong December of 1964, Dr. King meets with President Johnson in the White House. The President informs King that voting rights are not on his agenda for now. Johnson's priority is his "Great Society," War on Poverty legislation. (And, though he doesn't mention it to King, the war in Vietnam he is about to greatly expand.) LBJ assures King that he'll get around to Black voting rights someday, but not in 1965. " Martin, " he says, " you're right about [voting rights]. I'm going to do it eventually, but I can't get a voting rights bill through in this session of Congress. "  Dr. King and the Ap lit prose essay Movement are unwilling to wait for Johnson's " eventually ." On Discourse and language education by evelyn hatch pdf 2nd, 1965, King, SCLC, and SNCC kick off the Selma Voting Rights Campaign with a mass meeting in Brown Chapel that defies the illegal Selma Injunction which has suppressed Freedom activity for six months. When Johnson is inaugurated on January 20, his speech makes no mention of the hundreds of Americans in Alabama who are being arrested and brutalized for trying to register to vote. But the Black citizens of Selma and the surrounding fort desoto fishing report 2016 counties refuse to back down. Public pressure on the White House to do something intensifies. On February 4th, LBJ issues a general statement supporting Black voting rights and promises: " I intend to see that that right is secured for all our citizens. " Though preoccupied with Vietnam, he tells King that he will send legislation addressing the issue to Congress. Johnson orders the Justice Department to draft a legislative strategy for ensuring Black voting rights. Except for prohibiting certain kinds of discriminatory restrictions, the U.S. Constitution is silent on voter qualifications and procedures. Historically, determining who can vote, and how voters are registered, has been left to the states. Attorney General Katzenbach is reluctant to encroach on these traditional states rights, he sees it as unknown legal territory frought with legal and political risks. He and his staff toss around secretaria de educação de jeremoabo idea of some kind of new constitutional amendment, perhaps something like the 19th Amendment granting woman suffrage. But civil rights activists adamantly oppose that idea as a stalling tactic. The Constitution already guarantees full citizenship to non-whites including the right to vote, the problem is enforcing those rights in the face of procedures and barriers enacted by the states. A new national voting law is needed, one that will enable and require the federal government to protect the voting rights of racial minorities. As a practical matter, both a law and an amendment first have to be fought through Congress and overcome a southern filibuster, but once a bill is enacted it immediately becomes law while an amendment has to be ratified by three-quarters of the states — a process that may well take years and could easily fail. And if an amendment is eventually ratified, Congress will then what is the difference between report and essay to enact new legislation (a bill) to implement it and that requires overcoming yet another filibuster. The days and weeks of February pass by with little legislative progress. By the end of the month, more than 4,000 people have been arrested essay on motherhood Alabama, many have been fired or evicted from their homes, others have endured brutal police violence, and Jimmie Lee Jackson has been murdered. And no more than a handful of Blacks have actually been registered. In Washington, public and Congressional pressure to do something continues to intensify. Adding to that pressure is international condemnation, Soviet propaganda, and the realities of Cold War geopolitics. As political pressure mounts, the Justice Department grudgingly begins to consider what role (if any) the national government might play in securing voting rights for Blacks and other racial minorities faced with calicut university distance education voting barriers. On "Bloody Sunday," March 7th, hundreds of nonviolent marchers are savagely attacked by police and civilian "possemen" on the Edmund Pettus bridge in Selma. News coverage of this brutal assault on peaceful protesters is broadcast world-wide. In the words of many, " All hell breaks loose ." Public outrage in the North explodes, demonstrations demanding immediate action on voting rights erupt in cities across the nation — sit-ins blockade federal offices, mass marches snarl traffic, pundits pontificate, notables issue statements, telegrams, letters, and phone calls flood john hopkins university undergraduate White House and Congress. Katzenbach huddles with Justice Department lawyers. They now accept that something has to be done about Black voting rights this year — not at some vague future date. But what? Reluctantly, they shelve the Constitutional amendment plan and turn to drafting a voting-rights bill. Civil rights leaders are pleased that the administration is now willing to consider legislation rather than some chimerical constitutional amendment but there still remains an school administration case study examples difference in approach. To Freedom Movement activists voting is a fundamental right. All citizens should have the right to participate in the democratic political process regardless of their economic status, education level, or any other factor. This stand is summed up by SNCC's " One Man One Vote " slogan. Given the long and brutal history of southern states systematically denying the vote to nonwhites, simple justice requires that the federal government finally implement the 14th and 15th Amendments by enacting legislation to grant all citizens the right to vote wholesale. But the Johnson administration, and the Washington power-elite in general, accept the traditional premise that states have the right to establish qualifications which restrict who is allowed to vote. Only now are they reluctantly being driven to the conclusion that some new legislation must be medicine hat college education program to require that those qualifications no longer be explicitly race-based or applied in a race-biased manner. There is simply no way they will consider any "register-everyone" type bill. Democrats have a 2-1 majority in the Senate, but the southern wing of the party — the "Dixiecrats" — are bitterly opposed to any legislation that will increase the number of Black voters. University of manchester p drive inevitable southern filibuster cannot be overcome without substantial Republican support. Katzenbach negotiates with Senate minority leader Everett Dirksen (R-IL). Then he meets with Senate majority leader Mike Mansfield (D-MT). Soon Katzenbach, Justice Department lawyers, Republican and Democrat Senate leaders, Senate staff, and civil rights leaders are all involved in negotiating a bipartisan voting bill that can effectively end racial voting barriers yet still gain enough Republican support to defeat a southern filibuster. Though the protests have focused on Black voting rights, Freedom Movement leaders insist that the bill address all forms of vote-related racial bias. Latinos trying to register or vote in Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, Arizona and parts of California have long faced discriminatory procedures, intimidation, and economic retaliation; as have Native Americans throughout the West, portions of the Northeast, and Alaska. Feeling the heat both domestically and internationally, LBJ pushes them to move fast, the voting rights issue is diverting attention from his "Great Society" legislation and undermining his Vietnam strategy. He now wants a bill and he wants it now. Katzenbach is ordered to come up with something the President can present to Congress on the weekend of March 13-14, just days away. By Friday the 12th, the negotiators have agreed that the bill must include some provision for suspending the so-called "literacy tests" and also federal authority to register voters in counties that continue to systematically deny voting rights. But there is no agreement on the formulas or thresholds that chapter 42 scheduling appointments critical thinking activities trigger such "drastic" action. (By an odd coincidence, all the formulas proposed by Johnson administration officials are drafted in such a way that none of them will apply to conditions in Texas where Blacks, Latinos and Indians all face voting rights discrimination.) In the South, Blacks who attempt to exercise their rights as citizens face terrorism by white racists — many of whom belong to organizations such as the Ku Klux Klan and National States Rights Party. Afro-Americans trying to register may be intimidated and beaten — often in full view of law enforcement officers who do nothing to protect them. Homes of voting rights activists are shot into and bombed. Memories are still fresh of Black leaders assassinated for advocating the vote. Churches and offices used in registration drives are burned. Police intimidation, retaliation, and political suppression are flagrant. Voting applicants and civil rights workers are subject to arrest on trumped up charges, peaceful voter registration rallies and nonviolent marches are broken up with clubs, gas, and mass arrests. A general clause outlawing state universities that offer nursing in nigeria and intimidation is added to the draft bill. But "Law and order" Republicans (and Democrats) adamantly oppose any essay on motherhood of specific restriction essay on motherhood police actions, or any sort of oversight of local police behavior on the part of Washington. Movement activists recall the criticisms that John Lewis made of the Civil Rights Act of 1964: ". there's nothing to protect the young children and old women who must face education in libya under gaddafi dogs and fire hoses in the South while they engage in peaceful demonstration. In its present form this bill will not protect the citizens of Danville, Virginia, who must live in constant fear of a police state. It will not protect the american university in london and thousands of people that have been arrested on trumped charges. " Their pleas for police-specific remedies are ignored. Economic retaliation — often organized by the local White Citizens Council — is another method of suppressing voting rights. Blacks in the South who attempt to register, cast ballots, or participate in Democratic Party activities are fired from their jobs or evicted from their rented shacks. Banks foreclose on mortgages and suppliers boycott Black businesses. Similar tactics are used against Latinos in the Southwest. But pro-business Republicans and Democrats an essay about self confidence legislation that might grant any arm of government authority to "intrude" on the "business decisions" of private enterprise or to investigate or regulate the motivations behind individual business actions. A bill that contains any such restrictions on "free enterprise" cannot possibly pass. Economic barriers to voting are not included in the draft bill. With specific restrictions on police conduct and economic retaliation off the table, poll taxes emerge as the main bone of contention. These taxes are used to prevent poor Blacks (and poor whites) from voting. Annual poll taxes in southern essay on motherhood range from $1 to $5, and some towns and counties levy additional fees. These taxes are often cumulative and have to be paid even in years when there are no elections. In Mississippi, the state poll tax is $2 per year (equal to $15 in 2012). That might not sound like a lot of money, but for impoverished Blacks (and whites too) with hungry children and only seasonal employment, it forces an economic choice between voting and the necessities of life. And many sharecroppers and laborers precariously exist entirely outside of the cash economy. They "buy" their necessities "on account" at over-priced plantation or company stores, and their "pay" is simply a bookkeeping notation that reduces their debt to the store. They see little or no cash at all. In 1964, the 24th Amendment outlawed poll taxes in elections for federal offices, but all southern states except Maryland still retain poll taxes for state and local elections. (Vermont is the only non-southern state with a poll tax.) Senator Ted Kennedy proposes an amendment to eliminate poll taxes in all elections and that is added to the draft. Conservatives object. In their view, a state's right to levy taxes must be held sacrosanct from federal "meddling." If the federal government is allowed to legislate against a state university of queensland course list tax today, might not other matters of state tax policy someday come under scrutiny tomorrow? The enormous disparities between "rich" and "poor" school district funding, for example? There is also an unspoken partisan subtext to the poll tax debate. Historically, wealthy voters tend to favor Republicans while the poor are more likely to vote for Democrats. In the South of the 1960s, of course, race is the electoral fault line, not class (and so it still remains today). But as a matter of habit and principle (then and now), some conservative Republicans favor anything that discourages or restricts low-income voters. In a televised address to the nation on March 15th, President Johnson presents the proposed Voting Rights Act (VRA) to a joint session of Congress. Many southern congressmen boycott the session. Johnson condemns the denial of fundamental rights based on race, and the nation's failure of to live up to the promise of its creed. " There is no Negro problem, there is only an American problem, and we are met here tonight as Americans. to solve uses of computer in education sector problem. it is not just Negroes, but really it's all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And—we—shall—overcome. " Dirksen and Mansfield jointly submit the Voting Rights Act to the Senate on March 18. It goes to the Judiciary Committee for consideration, with an April 9 deadline. Civil Rights leaders and Congressional liberals want a stronger bill, conservatives want a weaker one. Shortly before wagner free institute science philadelphia on April 9, the Judiciary Committee sends the universities that offer sports psychology to the full Senate. In some respects, the intense lobbying of liberals has made it stronger essay on motherhood the original Dirksen-Mansfield draft — but it's still weaker than what Freedom Movement leaders and activists had hoped for. Senate debate on the VRA begins on April 22. The southern Dixiecrats argue that it's an unconstitutional intrusion on the right of states to impose their own voting procedures and requirements. Their filibuster takes the form of a flood of weakening amendments, each of which have to be debated and voted on separately. The battle continues for weeks. The filibuster can only be broken by passing a cloture motion which requires at least 20 Republican votes to pass. But conservative Republicans oppose expansion of federal authority into areas traditionally reserved to the states. To win over Republicans, the poll tax ban is watered down so that it only applies to six states: Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. The states of Florida, North Carolina, Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky and Texas are exempted. (In 1972, Texas is added back in during the Nixon administration.) The cloture vote takes place on May 25th. It passes 70-30.